THOUGHTS

‘Ubuntu’: An Ethos For A Bolder Era Of Global South Collaboration

05/12/2025 09:21 AM
Opinions on topical issues from thought leaders, columnists and editors.

By Salim Abu Haniffa

The G20 Summit in Johannesburg did something no previous G20 had ever done; it placed the Global South at the very centre of the world’s most important economic table. And in that historic moment, two countries with a long, intertwined relationship, Malaysia and South Africa, both demonstrated what middle-power diplomacy looks like when driven by clarity, history and purpose.

From the very first lines of the Leaders’ Declaration, which explicitly embraced Ubuntu as a guiding ethos, it was clear the summit was attempting something different and bold, a global recommitment to solidarity, equality and sustainability at a time when the world feels dangerously fragmented. No nation can navigate today’s crises alone, and interdependence is no longer optional.

Malaysia’s presence in Johannesburg was more than diplomatic courtesy as the head of ASEAN. It was a return to a relationship built through shared moral courage. Long before many nations found their voice, Malaysia stood firmly with South Africa’s liberation struggle and was a partner in reconstruction, investing across banking, property and commodities to support its resurgence.

And even deeper than politics or capital, the Cape Malay community, whose presence predates Malaysia as a modern nation, has long been an organic cultural bridge between the two countries.

Our Prime Minister (Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim) didn’t arrive quietly. Armed with a delegation of 17 major Malaysian companies in banking, energy, heavy industry, infrastructure, digital and more, they moved across Johannesburg in one of the most coordinated Malaysia–South Africa engagements in years.

YTL Power, for instance, began exploring independent power producer opportunities, data-centre investment, and sovereign AI solutions.

The halal sector, while one of the most sophisticated in Africa, was given fresh momentum, with new partnerships announcements expected to follow.

For Malaysia, this is part of a larger repositioning in an age of shifting supply chains and multipolar rivalry. Africa is no longer a “future opportunity”. It is a present and necessary partner.

And for South Africa, carrying the weight of the G20 presidency, Malaysia’s presence signalled a renewed seriousness in the ASEAN relationship. Our Prime Minister’s proposal to link ASEAN with the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) could be the most important contribution Malaysia made at the G20. AfCFTA unites about 1.3 billion people and ASEAN another 683 million, creating a potential corridor of nearly 2 billion consumers and more than US$7 trillion in economic mass.

Meaningful conversation

What distinguished this summit was how South Africa managed to keep the G20 cohesive despite political landmines and a notable U.S. absence. Rather than letting power politics dominate, South Africa expanded participation, bringing African voices, ASEAN perspectives, and non-G20 countries into meaningful conversation. It was a reminder that the future of global governance will depend on countries willing to widen the table, not guard it.

Malaysia fits naturally within this framework. As an open, trading nation with a proven manufacturing base and a diplomatic tradition that favours stability over theatrics, Malaysia reinforced the message that principled multilateralism is not outdated but urgently needed.

South Africa is probably the most credible African gateway into this partnership, even though the delegation included Ethiopia and Kenya in its itinerary. Malaysia, on the other hand, is one of ASEAN’s most globally connected economies.

The logic is simple. Africa needs diversified investors, technology partners, and manufacturing capacity, while Southeast Asia needs new growth markets and resilient supply chains.

The political goodwill of Johannesburg must now be matched with deals, investment, and long-term structures. Both countries can accelerate joint work in renewable energy and just transition systems, halal certification and agro-processing value chains, advanced manufacturing and semiconductor ecosystem development, digital infrastructure, AI governance, and cybersecurity, palm oil downstream industries and logistics, port management, and maritime corridors.

Looking beyond commodities, skills are the next great economic battleground. With AI, robotics, and automation transforming global labour markets, both countries need adaptive, industry-linked education systems. Malaysia’s work in TVET and technical upskilling offers natural room for collaboration, and fits squarely with the G20’s commitment to inclusive human-capital development.

Shaping the agenda

The most striking outcome from Johannesburg, however, is that the Global South is no longer waiting to be invited into global governance. It is shaping the agenda, setting priorities, and asserting its agency. South Africa and Malaysia, each respected in their regions, are well positioned to champion this shift into principled multilateralism, fairer trade systems, human capital development, and technology access that lifts rather than divides.

Malaysia and South Africa have all the ingredients needed for a renewed, consequential partnership, long-standing solidarity, shared values, complementary economies, and now a geopolitical landscape that finally rewards South–South cooperation. Our Prime Minister’s visit was a recalibration of Malaysia’s place in Africa and Africa’s place in Malaysia’s own global vision.

Now the work at hand is clear. Turn this political warmth into measurable outcomes because if there was one message Johannesburg left us with, it is that ‘Ubuntu’ – I am because we are is not just an African philosophy. It is a blueprint for how the Global South can rise together.

-- BERNAMA

Salim Abu Haniffa is Executive Director, Malaysian Chamber of Commerce – Southern Africa, at the High Commission of Malaysia in Pretoria.

(The views expressed in this article are those of the author(s) and do not reflect the official policy or position of BERNAMA)